The Surge in One Nation Support

This was intended to be an audio/video Vlog, but it seems I’m still in the process of having to re-learn how to edit video, so this will have to do for now ….

This undeniable and poll-supported dynamic in Australian politics needs some analysis, to the degree that it’s even objectively or reasonably possible, because such political analysis is notoriously difficult for any country, including ours.

Some pundits have suggested the recent wave of support for One Nation is a reflection of global political trends. The Right is certainly looming large in a number of contexts, but for me this explanation seems a touch clichéd and simplistic. Global politics is seldom a homogeneity. It’s complex. The political pendulum constantly swings, and it swings differently for different countries in different historical moments. In the USA, for example, I think we can fairly say there’s a movement to the Left in progress, and hopefully that will be reflected at the November Mid-Term elections. But is there an identifiable swing of that proverbial political pendulum to the Right happening here in Australia? I’m not sure. If it is, I think it’s marginal.

For me the simplest, almost Occam’s Razor-type explanation for One Nation’s rise in recent polling is the collapse of the Coalition. Those poor, pathetic bastards are really in the proverbial, if not literal, shitter. Labor’s astounding victory at the last election – which we’ve not seen since John Howard laid-waste to a rather hapless Paul Keating – did the Coalition untold damage. Of course I was preeminently pleased by that result because I thoroughly – and openly – dislike conservative ideology, but that result has left something of a hole for the nation’s conservative voters. Sadly, One Nation seems to be, at least to some extent, filling that void.

I honestly can’t hide how utterly horrifying that dynamic is to me. I mean, yeah, the Coalition is in a bad way, but One Nation as an alternative? What the actual fuck are you people thinking? Over the last couple of decades conservative politics and ideology has slid to the Right, but this is simply delirious. I mean, One Nation isn’t even a “conservative” party. It represents the worst reactionary, right-wing populism this country has seen in many decades. John Howard was bad enough in this regard but Pauline Hanson is off-the-charts. She’s literally created one of the ugliest, most detestable cultural movements in this country and while I have to grant her the success of that, I’d much rather she hadn’t, or that so many have bought into the agitprop of at all.

Can you remember a political party that has had to dump so many endorsed candidates because their criminal or ethically dodgy pasts were revealed? No, me neither. Can you remember a political party that’s had so many of their candidates bail on them after using that party to get elected? No, me neither. As an organisation they are almost incapable of inspiring loyalty. One Nation is a fucking joke, in every possible sense. I mean, just look at these policy-hollow cheap-arse grifters: https://shop.onenation.org.au/

I can appreciate that conservative voters need a place to hang their hat and feel politically and culturally relevant, and to feel as though someone on their side of politics has their back, but seriously, this is their only or best option? That’s just downright depressing.

One Nation and their adoption of the MAGA mentality

It’s undeniable that Hanson and One Nation have hung their hat on the populist American MAGA movement (personality cult). How any self-respecting, even superficially intellectually conscious conservative Australian voter could have any truck with that deranged ardour is beyond me. It’s shameful. Now Hanson is sidling up to the likes of Tommy Robinson. Give me a goddamned break. They are now fuelling anti-immigration prejudice in this country of the most ignorant and bigoted kind. I swear we’re only moments away from migrants eating our cats and dogs. If you have a lucid, fact-based argument against our current levels of immigration I’m happy to hear it. If you’re going to spew One Nation talking points and propaganda and pretend you’re a decent human being, you can piss the hell off.

Now, in conclusion, I’m no psephologist and would never claim to have any expertise in that field, so you can take what follows with a Maldon-size grain of salt, but I can’t see One Nation doing especially well at the next federal election, despite the current polling. They might grab another couple of places in the Senate and maybe steal a couple of lower-house seats from the LNP in Queensland, but I don’t see the scope for them to achieve much more than that. So, I would say to Australia’s conservative voters: I know you’re disappointed with the current Coalition’s status and parliamentary performance, which is objectively pretty dismal, but please stick with them, because strong Oppositions are always important for our democracy, and One Nation has exactly zero capacity to perform that role.

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Donald Trump: Confabulation and Malignant Narcissism

The following was written by AI. I’m posting it in that form because, sadly for me, it’s better than anything I could have hoped to have written, but it expresses my personal view regarding Trump’s admix of Confabulation Disorder and Malignant Narcissism. It lacks the personality and passion I might have brought to the article but I most certainly could not have written this:

Donald Trump: Confabulation and Malignant Narcissism

Few political figures in modern history have generated as much controversy and psychological speculation as Donald Trump. His communication style, public conduct, and repeated clashes with established facts have prompted commentators, journalists, and mental health professionals to search for explanations that go beyond conventional political analysis. Among the various interpretations proposed, one of the most compelling is that Trump’s behaviour reflects characteristics associated with confabulation and malignant narcissism. While no definitive diagnosis can be made without a formal clinical evaluation, the observable evidence provides a substantial basis for examining this argument. Taken together, the concepts of confabulation and malignant narcissism offer a framework for understanding Trump’s repeated factual distortions, his extraordinary sensitivity to criticism, and his persistent emphasis on self-aggrandisement.

Confabulation is a psychological phenomenon in which an individual produces inaccurate, distorted, or fabricated memories and narratives without necessarily intending to deceive others. Unlike deliberate lying, confabulation involves a degree of self-belief. The person may genuinely accept the false account as true because it fills gaps in memory, resolves cognitive dissonance, or preserves a coherent sense of self. Confabulation is most commonly associated with neurological disorders and certain psychiatric conditions, but the broader concept has also been used to describe situations in which people unconsciously reshape reality to fit their perceptions and emotional needs.

Critics argue that Trump’s public behaviour frequently displays elements consistent with confabulation. Throughout his business and political career, he has made numerous claims that have been contradicted by verifiable evidence. These have included assertions about the size of inauguration crowds, election outcomes, economic achievements, crime statistics, and personal accomplishments. What distinguishes these incidents from ordinary political exaggeration is the persistence with which the claims are repeated. Even after extensive fact-checking and public correction, Trump has often continued to restate versions of the same narratives.

Supporters frequently interpret this behaviour as strategic messaging or political rhetoric. However, critics contend that the pattern appears more consistent with an individual who has become invested in a personally constructed reality. The willingness to repeat demonstrably false statements in the face of overwhelming contradictory evidence suggests the possibility that Trump may not simply be attempting to persuade others but may also be persuading himself. If this interpretation is correct, the behaviour resembles confabulation more closely than conventional deception. The distinction matters because a deliberate liar generally understands the truth while choosing to conceal it, whereas a confabulating individual may have difficulty distinguishing between objective reality and a psychologically satisfying narrative.

The second component of this analysis involves narcissism. Narcissistic traits exist on a spectrum and can include self-confidence, ambition, and a desire for recognition. However, when these traits become extreme, they may result in patterns of grandiosity, entitlement, and a constant need for admiration. Trump’s public persona has long been characterised by an emphasis on personal success, superiority, and exceptionalism. He routinely presents himself as uniquely talented, uniquely successful, and uniquely capable of solving problems that others cannot solve.

Numerous examples illustrate this tendency. Trump has frequently described himself in superlative terms, claimed unprecedented achievements, and portrayed criticism of his actions as evidence of bias or incompetence on the part of his opponents. Public disagreements are often framed not as differences of opinion but as personal attacks requiring forceful retaliation. Critics argue that this pattern reveals an unusually strong dependence on maintaining a positive and dominant self-image.

Some observers go further by suggesting that Trump’s behaviour aligns with the concept of malignant narcissism. Although malignant narcissism is not an official diagnosis recognised in major psychiatric diagnostic manuals, it is a concept discussed in psychological literature. It generally refers to a severe form of narcissism characterised by grandiosity, aggression, entitlement, lack of empathy, and an intense need for control and validation. The concept was notably explored by psychoanalyst Erich Fromm and later expanded upon by other theorists interested in destructive forms of narcissistic behaviour.
Those who apply the concept to Trump point to several recurring patterns. First is his tendency to view relationships through the lens of loyalty and personal advantage. Allies are often praised enthusiastically when supportive but criticised harshly when they dissent. Second is his frequent use of personal insults against critics, journalists, political opponents, and even former associates. Third is a communication style that consistently redirects attention toward his own accomplishments, grievances, and perceived mistreatment. These characteristics are often cited as evidence of a personality structure heavily centred on status, dominance, and self-validation.

The most persuasive aspect of this interpretation emerges when confabulation and malignant narcissism are considered together rather than separately. A person with strong narcissistic needs may have a powerful motivation to maintain an image of success, competence, and superiority. Information that threatens that image can create psychological discomfort. Confabulation may then function as a mechanism for resolving that discomfort by generating narratives that protect the individual’s self-concept.

In Trump’s case, critics argue that this dynamic helps explain many of his most controversial public statements. Electoral defeats can be reframed as victories stolen through fraud. Policy failures can be recast as successes obstructed by enemies. Criticism can be interpreted as persecution rather than legitimate disagreement. In each instance, a narrative emerges that preserves personal status and avoids the admission of error or weakness. The resulting worldview remains internally consistent because contradictory evidence is either dismissed or incorporated into the narrative itself.

This perspective also helps explain why factual corrections often appear ineffective. If a statement serves a psychological function beyond communicating information, evidence alone may not be sufficient to change it. The issue is no longer merely whether a claim is true or false but whether abandoning the claim would threaten an individual’s self-image. Under such circumstances, maintaining the narrative may become more important than acknowledging reality.

Of course, there are limitations to this argument. Diagnosing public figures from a distance is inherently problematic. Human behaviour is complex, and political communication often involves strategic exaggeration, branding, and performance. Many behaviours interpreted as signs of confabulation or narcissism could alternatively be understood as deliberate tactics designed to energise supporters, dominate media coverage, or shape public perceptions. Without direct clinical assessment, any psychological interpretation remains speculative.

Nevertheless, the argument retains explanatory value. It offers a coherent framework for understanding patterns that might otherwise appear inconsistent or irrational. Trump’s repeated factual distortions, resistance to correction, focus on personal validation, and aggressive responses to criticism can all be viewed through the combined lens of confabulation and malignant narcissism. Whether this framework is ultimately accepted or rejected, it highlights the role that psychological factors may play in shaping public leadership and political behaviour.

In conclusion, Donald Trump’s public conduct provides substantial grounds for considering the possibility that traits associated with confabulation and malignant narcissism influence his behaviour. While definitive diagnosis is neither possible nor appropriate without clinical evaluation, the observable patterns of narrative construction, grandiosity, defensiveness, and self-focus make this interpretation worthy of examination. The combination of these concepts offers a compelling explanation for many of the characteristics that have defined Trump’s public life and contributed to his enduring political controversy.

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2019 Federal Election Response

Please note, this is essentially an ethical ‘analysis’ of the campaign and election, not a serious political one.  There is much to flesh-out on that score and with a great deal of luck I may have the time and energy to explore those matters.

Thanks for watching/listening.

 

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Left in Limbo goes vlog

Left in Limbo has broken out in vlogs.  We hope we can recover, over time.

 

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I Literally Shall Return

To my few but dedicated readers I wish to convey that I will return to this blog in due course.  I have been variously and significantly obsessed with U.S. politics and depressed, to the point of stasis,  by the state of that and of our own.  Fortunately, unlike many real journalists who are possessed of a conscience, I have the luxury of not writing while in a state of despair.

It’s my intention to create a YouTube version of this blog wherein I incorporate, well, YouTube stuff, which will consist of me doing monologues over video of my choosing.

I shall see you soon.

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The SSM Plebiscite is upsetting my Constitution.

Updated September 4

It seems the general consensus in leftist social media and political circles is that blocking the Marriage Equality plebiscite by Greens and Labor is a good thing.  I agree, but for a key reason that isn’t getting much political oxygen. Continue reading

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18C – absence is not presence.

I’ve written before on this subject and my views remain the same.  But it seems some are happy to distort matters in order to make opponents of 18C look worse than they really are.  I don’t know why, given how poorly they already present. Continue reading

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The Mordancy of Political Irony

mediawatchbannerfinal2

I love it when people say politicians ought behave better.  It usually involves either hypocrisy or a certain unconscious irony.  Not always, but usually.  Either way, when faced with such exposition I can’t help but be entertained, or maybe just bemused. Continue reading

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The PM and that $5 – the real story.

A few days ago, on his way to give a speech at the Committee for Economic Development of Australia (CEDA) at Melbourne’s Grand Hyatt Hotel, Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull created a social media firestorm by giving a homeless beggar a $5 note.   Continue reading

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18D is more than just a bra size.

18c

Image: @JacquiLambie

As sure as night follows day, as sure as death finds us all – present company intending to be excepted – as sure as people who say, “The proof is in the pudding.” don’t have a clue what they’re saying, section 18C of the RACIAL DISCRIMINATION ACT 1975 has again been raised by the usual political suspects.

Continue reading

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